Text of Washington's Address

First published on September 19th, 1796, in the Philadelphia Daily American Advertiser

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.

All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.


George Washington
United States - September 17, 1796

Footnotes

  1. Figuratively, a “slave” is one who is under the influence of another. According to Washington, a nation bound to another nation whether through “hatred” or “fondness” is equivalent, in the figurative sense, to a slave. “Passionate attachments” to other countries cause dependency which inhibit the ability for the nation to grow individually.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  2. In this paragraph, Washington uses anaphora (repeating the word “it” at the beginning of each line) to emphasis each of the consequences of the “spirit of party.” This spirit dismantles a free government in several ways: it distracts, enfeebles, agitates, and “kindles… animosity.”

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  3. Similarly to how he writes about a “spirit of party” above, Washington mentions a “spirit of revenge.” By using this terminology, he claims that the desire for revenge is another natural human inclination, one that he urges his readers to avoid.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  4. One of the various definitions of the noun “spirit” is a drive that animates individuals or groups of people. By associating the term “party” with this spirit, Washington claims that people and society are naturally disposed to form factions.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  5. In this final paragraph, composed of one long sentence, Washington weaves together his anticipations for retirement with his hopes to live under a free government. In an appeal to pathos, he asks his audience to consider their shared missions and values. He concedes that this ideal government, or “happy reward,” can only be achieved with every American’s concerted efforts to care and to labor.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  6. In a final appeal to ethos, Washington reconnects to the ideal of oneness and unity. He considers himself as one of many, one of the aforementioned “united mass.” He purposefully lowers his status in order to make it clear that he gives this advice as a fellow American, not as a superior.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  7. An alloy is a substance composed of two or more items, typically metals. In this context, Washington uses the word “alloy” to describe when two things of different qualities are mixed to create something impure. By stating that he looks forward to retirement, he does so “without alloy,” or without a taint from an undesirable quality.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  8. A “progenitor” is a forebearer. By using this term as well as the metaphor of soil, Washington speaks to a universal and timeless desire for a free, democratic nation. He claims that this “natural” desire stems within the “native soil” of the American people, stretching as far back as several generations.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  9. In the final few paragraphs of his address, Washington returns with an appeal to ethos by insisting on his so-called incompetence. He draws a parallel between how his “incompetent abilities” will be forgotten and how he too will be forgotten in death. By describing death as being laid to rest in a mansion—or “in my Father’s house” according to the biblical Book of John, 14:2—Washington envisions that death will be finite. This idea of stagnancy—of resting in a mausoleum—contrasts against the vision he has for an ever-progressing nation. On December 14, 1799, only about three years after this farewell address, Washington died in Mount Vernon.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  10. The verb “to beseech” means to beg or implore someone for something. Here, Washington reiterates one of his main ideas on morality and religion and the importance of the two for progress. He begs the “Almighty,” or God, to protect and guide the nation.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  11. During the French Revolutionary Wars, which lasted between 1792 and 1802, France engaged in wars all across Europe and eventually, across the world. By 1796, France had waged war against several monarchies, including Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the Dutch Republic. According to Washington, all the sides involved were “Belligerent Powers” and the United States would not, under the Neutrality Proclamation of 1793, interfere in any of these foreign conflicts.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  12. Washington chose to remain neutral during the French Revolutionary War because he feared foreign entanglement, believing that the United States was not militarily or economically prepared to engage in a war abroad. His decision to remain neutral during the French Revolutionary War set a groundbreaking precedent of neutrality for years to come.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  13. Following the beheading of King Louis XVI in January of 1793, the French Revolution took a drastic turn. The French declared war on Great Britain and French ambassador Edmond-Charles Genêt came to the United States to recruit Americans to fight for France. Washington, worried that the United States might become embroiled in the revolution, issued the Neutrality Proclamation on April 22, 1793 which required Americans to adopt “a conduct friendly and impartial” to foreign powers. This proclamation was a major point of contention among Americans because, while some stood with Washington, others believed in France’s revolutionary efforts and wanted to stand by the nation that had allied with them in the American Revolutionary War.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  14. For the first time in the address, Washington calls his readers his “countrymen.” This is one of the most personal portions of the address because he seems to be speaking directly to his readers as if he were their “old and affectionate friend.” This strategy connects Washington to them through a more personal bond, and in turn, it makes them more willing to listen and take heed of his advice.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  15. Washington explains the precarious position of the United States in the global political scene. In commercial matters, he says the United States may get involved with other nations—although only with the utmost caution. With the metaphor of the “impartial hand,” Washington states that the US may get involved in foreign commercial matters; but, like a steady, unwavering hand, it must never ask for favors or force any affairs.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  16. Despite Washington’s staunch isolationist policies, he provides an example of when interference in foreign affairs is acceptable: in the case of extraordinary emergencies. Such emergencies are never described in detail.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  17. The adage “Honesty is the best policy” is most generally attributed to Sir Edwin Sandys, an English politician who, with the Virginia Company of London, founded the first English settlement at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1606. In the context of this address, Washington argues for his own isolationist policies, stating, “It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world.” Washington thought it wise to have honest pre-existing alliances, but never to extend those alliances further.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  18. This series of rhetorical questioning clarifies why Washington is so hesitant to interfere with foreign powers. Essentially, through these questions he asks why the US would want to interfere abroad and implicate themselves in crisis. This list of questions highlights the absurdity, in Washington’s eyes, of jeopardizing the nation and entanging themselves in European “toils.”

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  19. With this pithy remark, Washington asserts that the nation’s involvement abroad must extend only so far. This remark stands out against the otherwise meandering language Washington uses, and it causes readers to pause at the end of the paragraph. With this phrase, Washington argues that the United States may continue to engage with already-established allies and no others. It is not in the nation’s best interest to form new bonds.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  20. Washington uses asides, or breaks in the narration designed to make it feel as though he is speaking more directly to readers, throughout his Farewell Address. In this case, he appeals to his own reputation as a trustworthy public figure as well as his status as a “fellow citizen” in order to build trust for his arguments. Asides also break the flow of the narration, allowing readers time to pause and engage with the text.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  21. This combination of words speaks to Washington’s belief that foreign influence will harm the United States. The word “insidious” means treacherous or seductive, and the word “wiles” describes a cunning trick. By stating that countries abroad pose “insidious wiles,” Washington warns that foreign nations might undermine or play a deceitful trick on the United States.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  22. Washington’s list of rhetorical questions appeal to the pathos of his readers. He implores them to continue to fight for a free nation, despite the vices, difficulties, or challenges they might encounter. With the interjection “Alas!” that punctuates the last rhetorical question of this paragraph, Washington expresses grief or concern for the nation should they allow their vices to prevent them from progressing.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  23. Here, Washington lays out the importance of taxes to create revenue and pay back debts. He advises his readers: although they may at times seems “inconvenient” and “unpleasant,” taxes are a necessary component for a functioning government.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  24. Throughout this passage, Washington scatters his writing with imperatives, or commands. With his list of imperatives, he requests that his readers “promote” knowledge, “cherish public credit,” “observe good faith,” and “cultivate peace.” Using the imperative tense gives his writing a sense of insistence and urges his readers to take note of his advice.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  25. The adverb “scrupulously” means to do something carefully or thoroughly. Washington prioritizes being respected as something that the United States should take care to pursue. He indicates that it is respect from other nations that will give the United States the ability to become a long lasting power and that it will also serve as protection from “belligerent powers.”

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  26. Here, Washington employs two rhetorical devices to convey the importance of morality in government. First, he uses a rhetorical question to ask who would be so immoral as to remain impartial to attempts to tear the nation apart. Second, he compares the nation to a piece of fabric, which conveys a sense of oneness and unity. These combination of literary techniques serves as an appeal to his readers’ sympathies.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  27. The verb “implicate” means to show that someone or something is involved in or responsible for something, typically a crime or other harmful action. Washington cautions against allowing the United States to be implicated in the actions of foreign powers through alliances, lest the US make enemies where it does not need to.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  28. While the division between church and state is clearly delineated today, Washington thought that religion and morality were invaluable in politics. Unlike the Federalists, who believed that the only governmental bodies that could legislate on religious matters were the states, Washington saw the value in associating the federal government with religion. In his “Farewell Address,” he speaks at length about the importance of religion and morality to maintain and uphold “political prosperity” like “supports.”

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  29. The noun “vicissitude” is defined as a change in circumstances, typically with a negative connotation. It also refers to alternation between unlike or opposite things. By framing the politics of Europe as vicissitudinal, Washington reinforces the idea that it is unwise to form permanent alliances with other countries because of their constantly shifting politics and unpredictable nature.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  30. The noun “depositories” describes a place where things are safely kept. Washington uses this word to describe how checks and balances among the three branches of governments are similar to placing and safeguarding things inside depositories. Without this regulation, Washington fears democracy might transform into autocracy.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  31. Washington employs a fire metaphor to illustrate the importance of checks and balances on the federal government. Like a fire which requires constant supervision and vigilance, so too does a government need constant regulation in the form of checks and balances between the branches of government.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  32. In Washington’s cautionary message about getting embroiled in foreign conflicts, he alludes to the long history of conflicts in Europe, including the ongoing French Revolutionary War (1789–1799). Many Democratic Republicans wanted the United States to lend their support to France because France was fighting to overthrow their monarchy—as the United States had thrown off the British monarchy—and because France had been instrumental in the American Revolution. Here, Washington cautions against getting involved and distances American concerns from European concerns. He indicates, too, how fickle European “friendships” and “enmities” are in the long run.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  33. In this passage, Washington admits that forming divisions in “its greatest rankness”—meaning in an orderly, hierarchical fashion—is an innate human desire. He argues that Americans ought to recognize and dismantle this instinct to form parties, especially at the federal level.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  34. Here, Washington personifies “Liberty” as someone searching for its guardian. The guardian, he claims, is analogous to the government he prescribes, “with powers properly distributed and adjusted.” Only in this idealized, isolationist government Washington describes can “Liberty” find its place.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  35. The word “specious” describes something that is seemingly sound but is actually misleading or fallacious. Here, Washington warns against the specious, superficial politician who promises one thing but actually provides another.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  36. The original meaning of the noun “satellite,” prior to the advent of space travel, was “follower” or “underling.” In Washington’s era it referred to the idea of political dependence, evoking the concept of satellite states. Satellite states are countries who are considered formally independent but in reality are under some type of political, economic, or military control from another country. Washington is saying that the United States must avoid becoming a satellite for another country or else they will be stuck in the shadow of that country as its follower. Furthermore, not only will allying with other countries result in being “embroiled in foreign conflicts,” but it will also prevent other nations from taking the United States seriously since they will be viewed as the underling of a more established nation.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  37. In a lengthy diatribe, Washington warns against forming factions among the people. He writes that those without principles may take advantage of the nation—or the people—and take control of the government. This process, Washington warns, destroys the very “engines” that have brought these dishonest politicians to power. By likening the people to an engine, he not only suggests that the people are the powerful force propelling the nation forward but also that they require care and maintenance for success.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  38. The compound “ill-concerted” combines two words. The former describes someone or something that is morally evil while the latter means coordinated or organized. The word “incongruous” describes something that is discordant. With the use of this vocabulary, Washington highlights the potential downfall of dividing the people according to party politics. Forming parties, he writes, is akin to forming factions. He advocates instead for an “organ of consistent and wholesome plans” established through a single organized and united government.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  39. The “Public Weal” is another term for “commonwealth,” which is a form of government that gives power to the people. The phrase literally means “public wealth,” with the older definition of wealth being “well-being.” Washington establishes each branch of the government as a “guardian” of the well-being of the newly founded United States against the other branches, reinforcing the need for a separation of powers between the different government bodies.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  40. The noun “despotism” refers to the exercise of absolute power by one person or entity, and is oftentimes associated with dictators and monarchs. Washington's use of this word to describe the potential outcome of the party system intentionally brings to mind the oppressive British rule that the United States had only just thrown off. He cautions against creating such stark divisions of power within the government as, in his mind, it will inevitably lead to someone’s taking advantage of those divisions in order to claim power for themself.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  41. The noun “faction” refers to organized groups who hold dissenting opinions within a larger body. The main political factions in 1796 were the Federalists and the Democratic Republicans (known earlier as the Anti-Federalists). Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, supported a strong federal government and focused on promoting economic growth through tariffs and a national bank. Democratic Republicans, also known as Jeffersonian Republicans because of Thomas Jefferson’s influence over the party, wanted a weaker, decentralized government that focused on states’ rights. George Washington, though he identified as the only nonpartisan president in US history, was largely sympathetic to the Federalist cause.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  42. According to Washington, following a constitution under a republican government poses one significant trade-off: Americans may make sense of the Constitution as they will, however they still need to obey the established laws. This paragraph demonstrates how Washington sees the Constitution as malleable, but only to a certain degree.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  43. Another warning Washington issues is against misrepresentation. He alerts his readers to politicians who might fabricate lies about other people or districts to stir up mistrust among the people. Dishonest politicians might hope to garner support by dividing the people.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  44. The Articles of Confederation (1781–1788) preceded the United States Constitution. Established during the Revolutionary War by the Second Continental Congress, the document established a weak federal government with no executive branch, no ability to tax, and no formal court systems. Washington was an early supporter of the idea of the Constitution, having experienced firsthand how ineffective the government under the Articles of Confederation was while serving as the head of the army.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  45. One of the major takeaways from the address, in addition to Washington’s warning about sectionalism and factionalism, is to remain wary of those who try to undermine the unity of the nation.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  46. Despite serving as the commander-in-chief of the Continental Army during the US Revolution, Washington believed that the military should not become “overgrown.” He preferred deterrence over belligerence and believed that the national defense ought to be well-prepared for war at all times. His isolationist stance extended into his views of the military and thought it was unwise to turn to other nations for military aid.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  47. The noun “mass” describes an aggregate of different parts that makes up a single entity. He sees the United States as a “united mass”—despite the differences among its four quadrants, each part works hand-in-hand to create a stronger, more secure nation and to ward off dangerous foreign entanglements.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  48. The etymology of the word “intercourse” stems as far back as the 16th century, when it was first used to describe communication and trade between countries or localities. More recently, it has taken on other meanings including social communication or discourse. Here, Washington uses the term to describe how different regions of the United States—the North, South, East, and West—work together economically and geographically. For example, the South profits from the manufacturing capabilities of the North and the West profits from supplies provided by the East.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  49. Jay’s Treaty, negotiated by Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Jay between the United States and Britain, went into effect in early 1796. Jay’s Treaty helped the US avoid being drawn into the hostilities between France and Britain at the time. It also normalized trade between the two countries. However, Jay’s treaty was also heavily divisive and was one of the foundational conflicts between the pro-treaty Federalists and the pro-French, anti-treaty Democratic Republicans. One of the most divisive elements was Jay’s failure to negotiate an end to the impressment, or forced conscription, of Americans into the British Navy. Many Americans, especially Jeffersonian Republicans, wanted to declare war over the practice. The treaty became a major campaign element for both the Federalists and Democratic Republicans in the 1796 election.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  50. Here, Washington speaks to the “shades”—slight or minute differences—among Americans, both physically and philosophically. However, he states in the next line that despite their differences, Americans are also united by their religion and politics—exemplified by their “joint efforts” during the American Revolution.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  51. Pinckney’s Treaty, also known as the Treaty of San Lorenzo or the Treaty of Madrid, was formally ratified and proclaimed on August 3rd, 1796. It established a firm border between the US and a territory controlled by Spain called “Spanish Florida.” It also negotiated navigation rights for US traders on the Mississippi river, which was a major concern amongst the people. It was named after Thomas Pinckney, a Federalist from South Carolina who was selected as the vice presidential candidate for John Adams’ presidential campaign in the 1796 election. However, despite Adams claiming the presidency, Jefferson became Vice President instead because he had earned the second highest number of votes.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  52. The word “palladium” describes something that provides security. The term originates from Greek and Roman mythology, in which the statue of “Pallas,” the goddess of wisdom often known as Athena or Minerva, was believed to be a safeguard for the cities of Troy and Rome. Here, Washington refers to a prosperous and safe nation as a Palladium—a safeguard for its inhabitants.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  53. In this metaphor, Washington conjures an image of the government as an impenetrable keep or castle. He likens the unity of government to a political fortress, which when well-guarded, can stand against both internal and external enemies.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  54. The noun “appellation” refers to a name or title like “American.” Washington cautions readers to never take more pride in their state or local identities than they do in the idea of being Americans. He is using pathos to appeal to the commonalities between all citizens in an effort to encourage them to see one another as all being a part of the same country, rather than a loosely connected bunch of states and towns. This appeal to national identity serves to foster patriotism and unity.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  55. Washington employs asyndeton, a literary device originating from Greek and Latin literature. Meaning “unconnected” in Greek, asyndeton is a tool whereby a writer or speaker eliminates conjunctions between clauses and phrases in order to form concise sentences. Here, Washington holds that unity of government works to support “tranquility,” “peace,” “safety,” and “prosperity.” Without conjunctions, Washington lists these values one after the other without pause, indicating that each is equally integral to the nation’s well-being.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  56. Washington describes the audience’s independence in metaphorical terms: as an edifice, or building, held together by the “unity of Government.” Without this edifice, the image suggests, an individual’s independence might come crashing down. It would upset every aspect of someone’s life, from their “safety” to their “Liberty.”

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  57. With this metaphor, Washington suggests that the love of liberty is “interwoven” with the “ligaments,” or the connective tissue that connects joints and cartilage. He likens liberty to the fibres that run through the American people’s hearts and which tie the nation together.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  58. Washington draws on the language of the Declaration of Independence, which establishes the right of every citizen to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” He encourages readers to associate their personal happiness as well as the happiness of the nation at large with the strength and unity of the federal government. This establishes the idea that patriotism is necessary for the individual since the prosperity of the country is directly linked with the happiness of the people within in. It also deputizes the people to scrutinize the practices of the government and hold their leaders accountable for their actions since, according to washington, each and every citizen has a stake in the prosperity of the union.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  59. The word “liberty” is defined as freedom from bondage, imprisonment, or autocratic, often foreign, rule. Multiple times throughout the speech, Washington enforces liberty as one of the main tenets of the United States. He often personifies liberty by describing it is a spirit that oversees the wellbeing of the nation.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  60. The word “liberty” is defined as freedom from bondage, imprisonment, or autocratic, often foreign, rule. Multiple times throughout the speech, Washington enforces liberty as one of the main tenets of the United States. He often personifies liberty by describing it is a spirit that oversees the wellbeing of the nation.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  61. By combing the word “auspices,” which means guidance or patronage, with the word “liberty,” Washington envisions liberty as a guiding, protective force over the American people.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  62. Here, Washington employs anaphora, a literary device whereby he repeats the first word or clause to add emphasis. Following each semicolon, Washington uses the word “that” to list his hopes for the nation.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  63. The word “annals” describes a year-by-year narrative of events. Here, Washington applauds the support of the American people over the years. He believes that this “constancy” is what has supported the young nation through difficult times and what will continue to sustain them in the future.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  64. The verb “admonish” means to warn someone. In his continuing appeal to ethos, Washington asserts his humility by claiming that his many years of service have warned him “more and more” that his retirement is impending. He believes now is the right time for him to return to his hometown.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  65. Here, Washington refers to his 1783 letter of farewell to the army in which he also offered advice with regard to the success of the nation. After the end of the Revolutionary War in 1783, Washington was preparing to return to retirement. In his letter of farewell to the army, he presented himself in a similar fashion as he does in his Farewell Address to the nation: as a humble citizen whom readers are “indulging.” In his 1783 letter, Washington established four things that were “essential” to the success of the fledgling country: a centralized and indissoluble government with one federal head, a regard for public justice, the maintenance of the militia, and communal unity.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  66. Despite serving as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army and President of the United States for two terms, Washington maintains that he may be underqualified for the task of offering advice to fellow Americans. This supposed meekness or shyness serves as a rhetorical strategy because it appeals to ethos, establishing the credibility of his character. By stating that “the inferiority of [his] qualifications” has caused him self-doubt or “diffidence,” Washington conveys that, like his audience, he is only a modest American. He understands that this appeal to ethos will cause his audience to more readily accept his advice.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  67. Washington encourages future politicians to be careful and wise with their policies and handling of the country, suggesting that the United States must prosper and thrive in order to set an example for the rest of the world. Such success will demonstrate democracy as a viable form of government. This call to action allows Washington to draw on the patriotic spirit of the nation in order to give them a purpose and something to prove to the rest of the world.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  68. In this aside, Washington alludes to the conflicts the nation was facing externally and internally. Internally, Washington refers to the disagreements over treaty negotiations with the Creek Nation in the Southeastern territories. Externally, Washington alludes to the war France has waged against Great Britain, which he formally denounces through his neutrality policies. He mentions these crises in a pithy aside since his audience was aware of the political climate.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  69. Washington writes to his audience with a mix of excitement and hesitancy. On one hand, he rejoices, or feels joyful, that his services are no longer needed; on the other hand, he explains that there are still myriad issues facing the United States, which he goes on to detail throughout the address. Nevertheless, he retains a sense of hope that his departure from office will not hinder the nation’s growth.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  70. The adjective “inviolable” means “never to be broken, infringed, or dishonored.” Washington describes his attachment to the United States as inviolable, establishing his credibility as a patriot who has a vested interest in the future of the nation and its values. His attachment to the fledgling country is unbreakable, so despite his retirement, he indicates that he is offering this advice because he wishes to see it prosper long after he has left office.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  71. The “persons” Washington refers to here are Secretary of State Edmund Randolph (1753–1813) and Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton (1755–1804). These men recognized the increasing political turmoil both at home and abroad. Washington recognized these diplomatic challenges and the need for strong leadership. He reluctantly stayed on for a second term, for which he was unanimously elected. In 1796, Washington asked Hamilton to revise Madison’s first draft and amend the section on foreign affairs and neutrality.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  72. Here, Washington refers to 1792, when he wished to retire following his first term. He turned to James Madison (1751–1836), then a Representative from Virginia, to draft a message for the American people. However, this first address was never published because Washington remained in office for a second term at the urging of several politicians.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  73. By employing the word “deference”—meaning respect for a superior’s wishes—Washington casts himself as inferior to the American people. He says that he is at the will of the nation’s “desire.” Despite his persistent yearnings to retire to his hometown of Mount Vernon, Virginia, he recognizes and voices the need for a strong leader during this time of factionalism and sectionalism, which was tearing at the seams of the nation.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  74. The noun “zeal” describes an eager desire to achieve something. In this paragraph, Washington assures his audience that his decision to retire is not the result of reduced zeal on his part regarding the course of the county. Although he is stepping down from office, he pledges to care for the nation’s future and remain grateful to the American people.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  75. Washington metaphorically describes nominating a new president as covering the candidate in cloth. This image suggests that the presidency is chosen or ordained by a larger entity, such as the people. This newly elected president will be covered “with that important trust,” a bind between the office and the people he represents.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  76. The now-antiquated term “apprize,” or “apprise,” comes from the French apprendre, which means “to teach.” In this context, Washington apprizes, or imparts, the lessons he has learned while holding office and justifies his decision to retire.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  77. The year 1796 marked the third quadrennial presidential election and the first contested election in U.S. History. In both 1788 and 1792, George Washington was elected unanimously. However, with Washington officially resigning, 1796 presented the first opportunity for the two leading political parties to gain control of the government. John Adams, a Federalist, won the electoral vote by a narrow margin and Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, received the second highest number of votes and became Vice President. The 1796 election is to this day the only election in which the President and Vice President were from opposing parties. That situation, alongside the deadlock between Aaron Burr and Jefferson in 1800, influenced the creation of 12th amendment to the constitution in 1804, which reformed how Vice Presidents were elected. Since then, candidates for Vice President have run alongside presidential candidates.

    — Marissa, Owl Eyes Staff
  78. The Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, was the first newspaper to publish George Washington’s “Farewell Address” on September 19, 1796. Originally named the Pennsylvania Packet or the General Advertiser, the newspaper ran between 1771 and 1839, under various names and owners until it was bought out by the North American. By publishing his “Farewell Address” in letter format, Washington was able to reach the entire nation and speak to all Americans.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  79. By 1796, George Washington (1732–1799) had served two terms as President of the United States. He decided against running for a third term because, at the age of 64, he feared that he might die in office, setting the precedent that the presidency was a lifetime appointment. His decision would lay the groundwork for the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, which would establish the two-term standard when it was ratified in 1951.

    — Tess, Owl Eyes Staff
  80. Washington takes a strongly isolationist stance in this address, going so far as to say that the influence of other nations is “one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.” The word “baneful,” meaning “murderous,” suggests that the fate of the United States is at stake during negotiations about foreign policy. By using such life-and-death language, Washington appeals to his audience’s emotions in an effort to change their opinions toward policy.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  81. To “gild” something is to cover it with a thin layer of gold in order to give it the appearance of greater value and beauty. Washington accuses those “deluded citizens” who, serving the benefit of an allied nation, cover their “ambition, corruption, or infatuation” with “the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation.” This is the rhetorical gilding that Washington speaks of.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  82. In this case, the noun “odium” refers to the condition of being hated. Washington uses it in contrast to its antonym—popularity—in order to illustrate the actions of citizens who act in the best interest of an allied nation rather than their home country.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  83. Washington takes a stance of skepticism towards the agendas of other nations, even those that would approach the United States with overtures of friendship and “common interest.” In Washington’s view, there is only “imaginary common interest” between any two nations. The benefits are spoiled by the risk that the problems of one nation will spill into the other with no guards in place. Furthermore, foreign alliances give rise to individuals with mixed motives who, feigning a virtuous attitude of international magnanimity, seek personal gain. The arguments Washington sets forth in this paragraph appeal to reason, attempting to sway the audience through logic.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  84. In this case, the noun “umbrage” refers to doubt and suspicion. Washington warns Americans against falling into bitter relationships with other nations wherein both sides “lay hold of slight causes of umbrage,” moving readily into a stance of suspicion toward the other. The word derives from the Latin “umbra,” meaning shadow, and in fact shadow is the most basic definition of “umbrage.”

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  85. The adjective “inveterate” means old or long-standing and derives from the same Latin root as “veteran.” Washington encourages Americans to set aside “inveterate antipathies”—that is, long-standing disputes—with other nations.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  86. The noun “exigencies” refers to necessities and requirements. Thus, “public exigencies” refers to those public services, programs, and projects to which tax revenues are funneled.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  87. In this passage about taxes, Washington calls on the American people to summon up a “spirit of acquiescence” with regards to the dreaded practice. The noun “acquiescence” refers to the contented acceptance of something undesirable. By admitting that taxes are “more or less inconvenient and unpleasant,” Washington comes across as an honest, relatable, and credible figure whose ideas are realistic.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  88. In this sentence, Washington discusses the mechanics of democratic power, much of which lies balanced between the population itself and the politicians who represent them. Washington accurately points out that while the representatives are ultimately those who make the decisions, their choices are swayed by the citizens they represent. Therefore, the president is appealing to his audience’s emotions by underscoring the power they possess and and then offering them counsel as if he were playing court advisor to their king.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  89. In this passage Washington champions the importance of an educated population of voters, a value shared by many of the founders of the United States. They recognized that because democracy distributes power among the public, it is the responsibility of all citizens to become “enlightened” so as to properly carry their share of the burden of decision-making. An educated public is also essential to preserving democracy from the threat of tyranny. As Thomas Jefferson wrote to a friend in 1797, “Ignorance and despotism seem made for each other.”

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  90. In this paragraph about checks and balances in the federal government, Washington coins the colorful phrase “spirit of encroachment,” the latter noun referring to the act of wrongfully intruding on the territory, property, or rights of another. The president claims that this spirit tends toward despotism, motivating the various departments, politicians, and parties to seek to increasingly consolidate power. The solution to the entropic forces of encroachment is a proper system of federal checks and balances.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  91. In this paragraph, Washington weighs the counterargument to his critique of two-party politics. According to this opposing opinion, the presence of multiple parties provides checks and balances to the reigning administration. Washington concedes that such a party system is vital when placing checks on a monarch but states that this is not the case in democratic nations such as the United States. Washington’s tactic of considering and judging the counter claim is an example of an appeal to ethos, winning the audience’s favor by displaying his open-mindedness and breadth of knowledge.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  92. Washington states that the goal of his prescriptions is the ongoing “felicity,” or happiness, of the American people. Such a statement makes the audience more receptive to his ideas, since happiness is a nearly universally desired emotion. Moreover, Washington’s appeal to his audience’s felicity evokes the principles of the Declaration of Independence, which similarly ensures “Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  93. Washington prefaces his ideas by describing the care and attention he put into them. They supposedly arose “of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation.” This is a clear appeal to ethos, for Washington seeks to make his ideas appear more legitimate by emphasizing their rigor.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  94. Washington begins the main body of the address with a distinct rhetorical move. He remarks that “Here, perhaps I ought to stop” before embarking on a series of prescriptions for the country, which he shares out of concern “for your welfare.” By framing his thoughts as motivated entirely by his sense of duty and his care for the audience, he gives his ideas more credibility.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  95. Here Washington foregrounds the virtues of the American people, citing the central role their support played in the successes he oversaw. This is an example of an appeal to pathos, for Washington is playing to the emotions of the audience with his insistent praise.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor
  96. Washington strives to make his exit from public office as dignified as possible. He offers numerous reasons for his decision to leave, remarking that “choice and prudence” invite him to do so. Perhaps most importantly of all, patriotism—his love for the United States—“does not forbid it.” By figuring patriotism as an external agent, Washington makes his position more credible. It is important to Washington that he maintain his reputation as a dedicated patriot, even after retirement.

    — Zachary, Owl Eyes Editor