The noun “concurrence” means agreement. For the six other senators to concur means that they agree with Smith’s sentiments. This enhances the ethos of Smith’s speech since her words do not merely present her own opinions and expertise, but also those of six other Senators.

Smith’s words echo the sentiments that Lincoln expressed in his First Inaugural Address in 1861: “We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies.” At the time, the country was on the brink of civil war. With these words, Lincoln attempted to promote unity and reconciliation, but to no avail. Smith’s words carry a similar plea, one which urges McCarthy and his supporters to stop sowing division between Americans. Rather than fighting “the enemy”—the USSR—the United States has been fighting itself, once again evoking the ghost of the American Civil War and the threat of internal violence.

The phrase “divide and conquer” historically refers to a military tactic that seeks to break up larger, more powerful entities into smaller ones. Smith’s implication is that, rather than effectively fighting Communism, McCarthy is actually supporting Communist goals by creating mistrust and division in the United States. She reaffirms the importance of a united resistance to Communism and portrays McCarthyism as not only misguided, but also dangerous.

The noun “vilification” refers to abusive disparagement. A “rendezvous for vilification” is therefore a place where people meet to slander others. This characterization is a direct continuation of Smith’s assertion that the Senate has become a “forum of hate and character assassination.” She surrounds these descriptions with the repeated phrase “I am not proud,” adding a tone of shame and embarrassment to her criticism. In Smith’s eyes, being a Senator is no longer something to be proud of if the Senate is a mere “rendezvous for vilification.”

Smith uses anaphora to express her embarrassment over being associated with the Senate’s tactics. By repeating the phrase “I am not proud,” her speech takes on a tone of shame and frustration. She uses words such as “irresponsible,” “reckless,” and “undignified” to further criticize the Senate’s behavior, emphasizing the institution’s decline in respectability. “As an American,” Smith is “shocked” by the Senate’s behavior, linking her sense of individual shame to that of the American people, implying that the Senate has become a disgrace to its constituency.

The adverb “advisedly” characterizes actions done deliberately and after careful consideration. The implication is that Smith does not believe “debate” is an accurate description of what has been happening in the Senate, but she uses the word anyways out of respect for tradition. The word “advisedly” also serves as a model for how the Senate should behave in the future: deliberately and with careful consideration.

The verb “to mangle” refers to the act of destroying or damaging something by tearing or crushing it. Smith’s description of “politically mangled” Americans evokes the idea of a violent attack, with the Senate as the aggressor. “Mangled” also bears an alternative colloquial meaning: something that has been ruined by incompetence or lack of skill. Viewing the Cold War political landscape from this light, not only has the Senate ruined people’s lives, but it has done so because it lacks the skill to tactfully address the situation.

Smith once again invokes her identity as a woman to provide a unique perspective on the Senate’s actions. She has already established herself as a Republican and a patriot, so now she appeals to the values and traditions of the family. She uses her identity as a woman to remind her audience that it is not only the lives of the accused that McCarthyism ruins. By invoking empathy for the families of the accused, Smith creates a pathos appeal that encourages the Senate to consider their actions in light of the unseen damage they are doing.

With this remark, Smith establishes her primary identity as a patriot. Though she is a Republican, she refuses to put the needs of her party over the needs of the American people. Though she is anti-Communist, she refuses to allow fear-mongering and “the Four Horsemen of Calumny” to erode the country under the guise of guardianship. By emphasizing patriotism and the good of the United States above all else, Smith enhances her own ethos and also protects herself from accusations of holding Communist sympathies. She grounds her arguments in the Constitution and the “basic principles of Americanism,” associating herself with the values of “Americanism” while painting McCarthy as a reckless and dangerous influence.

The noun “calumny” is synonymous with slander and defamation. The “Four Horsemen of Calumny” alludes to the biblical apocalypse from Revelation 6:1-8, wherein the “four horsemen” of the apocalypse are released into the world, representing conquest, famine, war, and death. This biblical metaphor associates McCarthy’s campaign of “calumny” with the end of the world, or at least the end of the United States. By associating the tactics of McCarthyism with the horsemen of Revelation, Smith accentuates two particular qualities of the Republican reactionaries. McCarthy’s crusade is, on the one hand, immensely powerful and persuasive; after all, there are few forces in human history more intensely manipulable than fear and ignorance. On the other, the crusade is ultimately destructive. As Smith suggests, internal sedition breeds division; division opens the gates of the nation, ushering in the actual enemy.

There were several high-profile court cases related to the Communist threats taking place in the 1940s and 1950s, including the cases of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and Alger Hiss. The Rosenbergs were accused of giving US military secrets to the USSR, leveraging Julius’s position as an army engineer. Alger Hiss was a US government official serving in the Justice Department. He was accused of being a Soviet spy by Whittaker Chambers, a former member of the Communist Party who became an outspoken anti-Communist. While testifying before HUAC, Chambers implicated Hiss as a Soviet operative. Smith scolds the Senate for “diluting” what she sees as justified criticism of the Democratic party with “unproved charges.” Even as she criticizes her party, she still presents herself as an advocate for the Republican platform; indeed, her criticisms are driven by her outspoken desire for the party’s amelioration.

“Campaign issues” refers to the topics and causes that parties base their platforms around in order to win elections. In the mid-20th Century, the mounting threat of the USSR and the spread of Communism was a controversial issue. Democrats preferred the containment method proposed by Truman, which sought to stop the spread of Communism while allowing it to continue in places where it was already established. Republicans felt that this was a show of weakness and believed that a more aggressive approach was needed; Smith disagrees. Smith’s continuous references to the wellbeing of the Republican Party serve to enhance her ethos, reminding her audience that she is not criticizing her party on partisan grounds but rather moral ones.

The noun “prudence” refers to the quality of being cautious or careful. It is often associated with conservatism, since both outlooks take a cautious approach to change. For the Republican Party to be the “champion of unity and prudence” would further align them with the reputation of Abraham Lincoln, who fought to keep the United States together during the Civil War. By emphasizing the connection between the Republican Party and Abraham Lincoln, Smith appeals to the sense of pride that her fellow conservatives draw from the highest achievements of their party’s history. They are not the party of division and recklessness that McCarthy is trying to make them, but rather the party of “unity and prudence” that Lincoln established.

Smith uses a simile to compare McCarthyism, and the “confusion and suspicions” it creates, to “cancerous tentacles.” This conjures the idea of infection and sickness. “Cancer” results from overactive cellular growth, creating tumors and other serious health problems. The implication is that just as cancerous cells propagate quickly and infect a healthy body, so too has McCarthyism used fear, prejudice, and accusations to expand quickly and infect society.

Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) was the first US President to identify as a Republican. He took office as the United States was on the brink of civil war. During his tenure, he kept the country together through the war and abolished slavery. In his 1865 Second Inaugural Address, delivered 36 days before the end of the American Civil War, Lincoln said, “With malice toward none; with charity for all [... ] let us strive on to finish the work we are in.” By evoking the American Civil War, Smith reminds her audience of the dangers of a divided nation. By citing Lincoln, she appeals to their sense of national pride, offering them the chance to emerge as the “champion[s] of a united nation.” She directly associates unity with victory and glory.

In this context, the verb “whitewash” is a metaphor that compares the act of painting over something with cheap white paint (called “whitewash”) to the act of covering up a scandal or crime using a biased investigation or trial. The implication is that the political parties of the 1950s not only falsely accused innocent people, but also protected guilty people.

Freedom of speech is often considered one of the defining features of American Democracy. Smith states as much herself when she lists out the “basic principles of Americanism.” For freedom of speech to “not [be] what it used to be” implies that McCarthyism is eroding the values and structures that the country is built on. The “abuse” of both congressional immunity and freedom of speech infringes on the rights of US citizens, restricting their freedoms rather than keeping them free from Communism.

“Thought control” refers to the idea of brainwashing. Smith postulates that if no one knew anyone with controversial of differing ideas, then “thought control” would pervade as everyone would be forced to believe the same things. She portrays diversity of thought as both natural and constructive, a statement that places her in direct opposition to McCarthy, who claimed that anyone who disagreed with him was a Communist sympathizer.

Smith uses a rhetorical question to remind her audience that everyone is connected to someone with “unpopular beliefs” in some way. Rather than establishing this reality as something to change or fear, she emphasizes the importance of diverse thoughts and beliefs, framing them as natural. She includes herself in the question by using the pronoun “us,” universalizing the sentiment and challenging anyone to imply that they don’t know someone with controversial beliefs.

All four of these “rights” are protected by the Bill of Rights, specifically the first amendment, which reads: “Congress shall make no law… abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” The right to political disagreement and the right to support “unpopular beliefs”—such as Communism—are supposed to be protected by the US Constitution. Smith once again invokes legal precedent in order to remind the Senate of their duties to the American people. She also positions McCarthy’s tactics as un-American, since they publicly punish and humiliate people for activities she establishes as protected by “basic principles of Americanism.”

The noun “Americanism” refers to a sense of loyalty towards the traditions, institutions, and ideals associated with the United States of America. These loyalties often extend to historical documents, such as the US Constitution, and more general beliefs in individual liberty, a hallmark of a Democratic Capitalist society like the United States. Throughout World War II and the Cold War, the US saw a drastic increase in nationalist sentiment in response to the perceived threats of Fascism and Communism. Communism and Democracy were portrayed as opposites, and anyone who showed support or even tolerance for Communism was considered un-American.

Though McCarthy’s crusade against Communism remains his best-known campaign, he also ruined the reputations and careers of many others who were deemed subversives. Communism was linked with liberalism, so Hollywood was a prime target for accusation. This led to the creation of “blacklists,” unofficial documents that listed suspicious individuals who were then ostracized. McCarthy also targeted homosexual government employees, stating that they were security risks because they were more susceptible to blackmail. This crusade became known as the “Lavender Scare.” Smith removes the sensationalist aspects of Communism and homosexuality from the mix and instead reminds her audience that it is people whose lives are being ruined. She rejects McCarthy’s tendency to polarize and instead appeals to a sense of common humanity.

The Bill of Rights, the first ten amendments to the US Constitution, guarantees the right to a trial by jury. By evoking legal precedent, Smith appeals to logos. The US government, as Smith points out, is “sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution.” However, rather than properly trying people for crimes, McCarthyism instead relied on the societal fears around Communism in order to try people by accusation, typically without evidence or due process. By emphasizing the disparities between the Senate’s purpose and its actions, Smith makes a logical case for curtailing McCarthyism on the grounds constitutional breaches.

The verb “to abuse” means to use something for immoral purposes. It stems from the verb “to use,” which typically refers to the act of holding, taking, or deploying something to accomplish a goal. Based on the use of the word “or,” Smith likely uses these two words as a contrast, with “using” representing responsible usage and “abusing” representing irresponsible usage. Smith intends to remind Senators of their responsibility to use their “powers and privileges” for the good of the American people.

Smith uses the first-person plural pronoun “we” to ensure that she she is included as an object of her reprimands. Rather than talking down to her audience, Smith instead positions herself as a part of the group she is addressing, diminishing the accusatory tone of her speech.

Smith uses the adverb “surely” to convey confidence and emphasize a firm belief that something is correct. Smith balances her criticism of the Senate’s behavior by asserting her belief that the they can and should do better. She makes her concerns an issue of pride rather than moral failure. The repetition of “‘surely” leaves no room for argument that the Senate is capable of greater moral achievement, making it a matter of whether or not it can fulfill its task.

The House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) was established in 1938 and tasked with investigating Communist attempts to undermine and infiltrate the US Government. HUAC aggressively pursued suspected Communists and pressured people to give up information by threatening to label them as Communist sympathizers if they refused to answer. HUAC garnered broad popular support after the outbreak of the Cold War and its forceful interview tactics served as inspiration for McCarthy’s later investigative hearings. After McCarthy’s censure in 1954, HUAC faded in popularity and was eventually abolished in 1975.

The verb “to impute” means to attribute or connect an action or quality with someone. Essentially, Smith is saying that the Senate can accuse a non-Senator of “any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming an American” without consequence.

Smith notes the double standard created by congressional immunity, whereby the Senate can make whatever accusations it wants and civilians have no way to seek compensation or legal action for libel damages. She also notes the further hypocrisy in that Senators can slander non-Senators however much they want, but if they attempt to criticize a colleague, they can be stopped on the grounds of being disrespectful. Smith appeals to pathos by emphasizing the inherent injustice of this dynamic, evoking anger and indignation from her audience.

“Congressional immunity” refers to a clause in article 1, section 6 of the US Constitution, which states that “for any Speech or Debate in either House, [Congress Members] shall not be questioned in any other Place.” This provision, often referred to as the Speech or Debate clause, protects Congress members from charges of defamation, slander, or any other crime on account of words they say or publish while working in an official capacity. This clause allowed McCarthy and his supporters to make whatever accusations and claims they wanted to without consequence as long as they were acting in an official capacity as members of Congress.

Smith uses anaphora—or the repetition of a word or phrase at the beginning of successive clauses—to build an appeal to ethos and pathos. Through the use of repetition, Smith emphasizes the different identities and expertises she carries. Smith presents herself as not only a politician, but also as a citizen and woman. Her status as a Republican emphasizes that she is not criticizing McCarthy as a partisan issue, and her status as a US Senator and American emphasize that her criticism comes from a place of patriotism and national concern. Her identity as a woman makes her a unique voice within the Senate, as she was the only female Senator for much of her career.

The words “irresponsible,” “bitterness,” “selfish,” and “opportunism” all paint a negative picture of the political landscape. Though Smith was adamantly anti-Communist, she does not give in to the rhetoric of safety and security at any cost espoused by McCarthy and his supporters. Instead, she frames their actions as “irresponsible” and “selfish,” emphasizing the collateral damage left by their attempts to weed Communists out of the government. Rather than upholding the partisan rhetoric that glorified McCarthy and his supporters as patriotic anti-Communists, Smith essentially calls them selfish children, seditionists who are doing more harm than good.

A national advisory commission, more commonly known as a presidential commission, is a group of subject and policy experts appointed by the President to address a specific issue. Presidential commissions are responsible for investigating, researching, and drafting a report on their given topic. The report is delivered to the President. These commissions brought experts together to solve pressing issues and advise the president on policy initiatives. A national advisory commission focused on providing “critically needed leadership” was not established under Truman. However, the President's Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights, established January, 1951, by Executive Order 10207, was formed to address the infringements on individual rights brought on by McCarthyism and the need to maintain internal governmental security. Harry S. Truman: "Executive Order 10207—Establishing the President's Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights," January 23, 1951.

As of 1950, the Republican party was declining in popularity. For some, McCarthy represented a potential revival for the party. The “lack of effective leadership” by the legislative branch, or congress, stemmed from a combination of fear and opportunism. Many of McCarthy’s supporters were Republicans who took advantage of his burgeoning popularity to bolster their own careers. On the other hand, political detractors were the first to be accused of harbouring Communist sympathies, so many kept quiet to protect their reputations. The “Executive Branch”—the President and his cabinet—was seen as weak for advocating for the containment of Communism rather than the eradication of it. Moderate Republicans blamed Truman’s lack of decisive action against Communist countries for the rampant fear that allowed McCarthy to gain popularity.

One of the primary criticisms of McCarthyism was that it created an atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust. No one was safe from McCarthy and his supporters’ accusations, and their political detractors were common targets. Rather than focusing on the Cold War and what was perceived as an external threat of Communism, McCarthyism sought the threat within the United States. Rhetorically, the phrase “national suicide” enforces the idea that McCarthyism is self-destructive and ruinous to American values. Smith highlights the threats that “fear and frustration” pose to democracy and the country at large. Rather than being threatened from the outside, the country is committing “suicide.”

World War II ended on September 2nd, 1945, and the temporary alliance between the Communist USSR and Democratic US ended with it. World War II and the perceived threat of Fascism had led to an increase in American nationalism and an attendant fear of alternative political models. Once the threat of Fascism faded, Communism became the new threat, and soon the USSR began annexing other countries and spreading Communism. This aggression enhanced the anxieties leftover from World War II and led to the “Second Red Scare,” the First Red Scare having coincided with the Bolshevik Russian Revolution in 1917 and the rise of the USSR. The rampant fear surrounding Communism resulted in a rising tide of conservatism and a rejection of the more liberal ideologies that prevailed prior to World War II.

The Cold War (1947-1991) was the period of tension and geopolitical maneuvering between the Democratic United States and Communist United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) after the end of World War II. Each power sought to spread its political and economic ideologies to other countries. According to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engel’s 1848 “Communist Manifesto”, there should be no government in a Communist society since the people govern themselves. Philosophically, Communism rejects the idea of private property and the accumulation of individual wealth and status, instead focusing on economic and social equality. Conversely, Democracy, and by extension, Capitalism, raise the rights and freedoms of the individual. Communism was a source of fear for many Americans because it advocated a revolutionary overthrow of existing governments by the working class.

In February, 1950, US Senator Joseph McCarthy delivered a controversial speech to the Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, West Virginia. During the speech, he allegedly produced a paper that he claimed held the names of 205 Communists who had infiltrated the US State Department. This claim sparked national interest and sparked an era that has come to be called McCarthyism. As the Cold War progressed, national fears surrounding Communism grew. McCarthy and his supporters, capitalizing on this fear, began accusing politicians, reporters, and hollywood executives of being Communists and Communist sympathizers. Though he lacked evidence, McCarthy’s accusations nonetheless ruined careers and reputations, leaving many politicians afraid of speaking out against him for fear that they would be accused as well. Smith’s “Declaration of Conscience” was one of the first condemnations of McCarthy’s fear-mongering tactics.

Smith sets the tone for her speech by describing it as “brief and simple,” a divergence from the impassioned, pathos-driven anti-Communist speeches that grew increasingly common as the Cold War began. Smith instead establishes herself as a logical and “simple” voice, while also adopting a humble tone in acknowledgement of her place as both a newly elected Senator and the only woman in the Senate at the time. Both of these identities set her low within the Senate hierarchy.

Margaret Chase Smith was elected to the US House of Representatives as a representative of Maine in 1940, taking over the seat vacated by her late husband, Clyde Smith (1876–1940). Clyde Smith endorsed her candidacy and encouraged her to run prior to his passing. In 1948, she became a US Senator and the first woman to serve as a member of both houses of Congress. She identified as a moderate Republican, but she regularly disagreed with her party and became known for her independent nature. The “Declaration of Conscience” speech, delivered barely a year into Smith’s 23-year tenure as a US Senator, brought her to national attention as a politician.

Harry Truman (1884-1972) became President of the United States in 1945, after the death of his predecessor, Franklin D. Roosevelt. He held office from April, 1945, until January, 1953. His presidency was largely focused on dealing with the aftermath of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War. Margaret Chase Smith, a Republican Senator from Maine, delivered the “Declaration of Conscience” speech in June, 1950, from the Senate floor. Truman later commended Smith’s sentiments, despite its criticisms of his administration, calling her words among “the finest things that has happened here in Washington in all [his] years in the Senate and White House.” Robert C. Byrd, The Senate, 1789-1989: Classic Speeches, 1830-1993. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1994.